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Raul Castro's handing of power over to Miguel Diaz-Canel in 2018 marked a new era for the Cuban state. Diaz-Canel was an engineer and technocrat by trade, a soft-mannered and down-to-earth, MDC, as he was often called by the press, saw the need of reform in order to prolong Cuba's socialist system. MDC continued market reforms that had begun under the Castros, allowing for private business to come to the island, and facilitating the formation of worker-owned cooperatives. While a fixed ratio of private to worker-owned to state-owned industry was established to assuage the hardliners, more and more Cubans were able to improve their well-being. While the combination of economic liberalization and the end of the embargo brought increased growth to Cuba, Diaz-Canel also sought to reform the political system. MDC called for the end of single-party rule. In its place, the president advocated a pluralistic socialist democracy, where various socialist parties would be free to have a conversation on the future of the socialist system. To this end, one-party rule could be replaced by a permanent socialist consensus. Several parties of the leftist opposition took up the government's offer, and were allowed limited political activity in exchange for pledging to defend the communist constitution. The right-wing and centrist opposition continued to abstain, unwilling to ignore the crimes of the regime. Despite their complaints, for a while, it looked like the reforms would work, and MDC became almost as popular as the Castros had been on the island.
However, disaster struck. Diaz-Canel was 58 when he assumed the office of the president. While he lived a healthy lifestyle and had access to excellent care, he was not invulnerable to the troubles of old age. Diaz-Canel suffered a stroke in 2029, having served as president for eleven years. While he survived, the brain damage was severe, and he was unable to speak, much less resume his duties. The president had yet to designate a clear successor. While he had set his sights on several party officials that could fill the role, he had failed to designate any as next-in-line. Chaos broke out on the island, with various factions of the party promoting their candidate. Ultimately, the military took control, forming a junta and appointing one of their own as president. The junta favored the hardliners, and began to roll back reforms. Members of both the abstentionist and loyal opposition were arrested en masse. Small businesses were seized and travel to and from the island was curtailed. However, the Cuban people were now used to their partial democracy, and began to despise the new government. An anti-government protest movement would grow through the next few years, as the paranoid new regime's actions began to contract the economy.
Unfortunately for the opposition, the military had been revitalized under MDC, who used increased funding to ensure their loyalty. It would not be easy to unseat the junta. The exiled leaders of the opposition were forced to look elsewhere for help. While the U.S. and its allies were willing to offer monetary aid and advisers, they were unwilling to offer any combat forces to perform a coup. In late 2030, as the movement began to flare and the window for revolution fast closing, the opposition was forced to make a deal with the devil. South of Cuba, the fighting in Venezuela was dying down. Many right-wing paramilitary groups had crossed over from Colombia to further the counterrevolutionary struggle, and now placed in a difficult position. The new Venezuelan coalition appreciated the paramilitaries' help, but had no intention of letting them remain in the country. On the other side of the border, the Colombian government was glad to be rid of the fighters, and refused to allow their return. The Cuban opposition offered the paramilitaries and their families a third option, a new life in Cuba. In exchange for helping to overthrow the Communist party, the paramilitaries would be dealt out government land and would receive generous pensions. While the two groups that agreed to the deal, Los Rastrojos and La Oficina de Envigado, only numbered around 12,000 men at the time, the paramilitaries were able to rally over a total of 50,000 guerrillas to seize Cuba over the next three months. Obtaining transports from the U.S., Venezuela and Colombia, the opposition struck. In the June of 2031, with Havana crowded by protesters, the Second Bay of Pigs Invasion begun. The opposition forces landed in both the Bay of Pigs and on the Playa Mayabeque, and began advancing north towards Havana. While the forces had little naval or air support, the had the advantage of a rebellious populace that welcome the invaders as liberators. Fighting between the Communists and opposition would continue for the next three months, until a ceasefire was called. Under a great deal of pressure, the Communists agreed to most of the opposition's demands. An interim government would be formed, consisting of both Communist and opposition members. A new constitution would be drafted and be affirmed by plebiscite. Finally, new elections would be held within two years, with all parties on Cuba free to campaign.
Grave issues with the interim government soon emerged. Of key note were the paramilitaries. The rewards they had been offered were contingent on opposition control of the government and treasury, a situation that had yet to materialize. The paramilitaries were not even granted citizenship, making them a landless people. With nowhere for the militants to return, some became vagrants, turning back to a life of crime. Others loitered in the haphazard camps constructed by their commanders, subsisting off meager rations given by the government. While the paramilitaries were able to be patient for a while, dreaming of their future estates, many of the mercenaries began to inflict their boredom on the Cuban populace. Unfortunately, the interim government was too timid to curtail the militants, fearing that the military would retake control if the paramilitaries ceased to be a factor. Most Cuban quickly began to resent their "liberators." While the opposition was initially high in the polls, sentiment began to reverse, and it looked like the Communists would retake power in the 2033 elections. Unwilling to let this come to pass, the opposition parties begged the Communists to delay the election until a solution could be found for the "vagrant problem." Reluctantly, the Communists agreed. However, word got around to the mercenary camps, and it set the militants on edge. Unwilling to give up their promised bounty, the paramilitary leaders began to secretly confer with military elements. A good portion of the younger officers were displeased with the situation, and were worried for their careers. The paramilitary leaders convinced many of these officers that the new democratic government would lead to their disgrace, and that only the restoration of military rule could guarantee their livelihoods. Abandoning the socialist system that they had sworn to protect, a conspiracy was formed between the former enemies.
In the July of 2034, the coupists struck. Military units stormed the capital, arresting the leaders of the interim government. Across the island, loyal military units and bases were attacked by rebels and paramilitaries. However, some leaders of the Communist party and their military staff were able to escape, and began to launch counter attacks against the plotters. However, the plotters had the advantage. The arrested leaders of the major opposition parties were forced to sign an agreement recognizing the militant and military demands. The major opposition parties, the Christian Democrats, the Liberals and the Democratic Socialists, were forced to merge their parties into a single alliance loyal to the new junta. The new Sovereign National Alliance (ANS) was pressured to recognize the militant land claims, as well as ban the Communist party. Fighting with the communists would continue and burn down over the next two years, with the junta's forces taking control of the cities and forcing the communists into the mountains. The fighting would ultimately come to a close in 2036, with the communists agreeing to a truce and the junta's terms. The Communist loyalists were to lay down their arms and recognize the new government. In exchange, the rank and file would receive full amnesty. The leadership would receive partial amnesty, and would be free to live out their sentence of 15 years either in house arrest or in exile. Most of the leadership wisely chose exile, and were ultimately accepted by Ecuador.
With the rebellion crushed, the government cowed and their land parcels seized, the junta and the paramilitaries began to relax. The junta did little to interfere with day-to-day governance, and even let elections occur without much intervention. As long as paychecks from the government kept coming, the former paramilitaries were content. While the ANS ruled as a single-party in the first termed, they were able to ratify the constitution they had agreed to with the communists, and Cuba's first free elections for over a century were held in 2040. The ANS still won a majority, but democratic rule had been restored to Cuba.
However, the government would once again hit a snag in 2045. Cuba fell into recession in 2044, and the ANS was faced with a budget crisis. To avoid risking their credit rating, cuts had to be made. With the ex-paramilitaries well settled, and collecting rents from their parcels, the government believed that "delaying" their pension checks would be an uncontroversial way to save a quick buck. Unfortunately, the mercenaries were still sensitive about the earlier affair. The ex-paramilitaries rallied, and on May 6th, 2045, most gathered to march on the capital in protest. While the planners of the protest had no intention of violence, many of the ex-militants wore their old fatigues and brought weapons to the event. Terrified by the marchers, the government sent armed police to greet them. While the protest was initially civil, things began to spiral out of control when the paramilitaries caught wind of government officials leaving the city. A fire-fight broke out between the police and the paramilitaries, a battle that left the police in a full route. Enraged and emboldened by the situation, the militants began to lash out at the city itself. The paramilitaries set fire to the capital and other government offices, a fire that became an inferno that swept through the city. The government ordered the arrest of the paramilitary leaders, which was met by a mobilization of the militias that the ex-paramilitaries had cultivated over the past decade. Fighting between the paramilitaries and the government would continue until January 2046, with negotiators reaching a peace deal. The paramilitaries would have their pensions settled in a lump-sum fashion, and would recognize the permanent independence of the government. In exchange, only a small selection of war criminals would be tried, with the rest of the paramilitary leaders having their records cleared. Unfortunately, much of the damage inflicted on the capital was unrepairable, and the government would move its seat to the neighboring city of Matazanas.
With the paramilitaries demobilized, there were still worries among them that the government would someday take revenge. Ultimately, the paramilitaries would throw their support behind a new party, Force of Democracy. Force of Democracy (FD) ran on a far-right, neo-feudalist platform, dedicated to protecting the rents and privileges of the new landholding aristocracy. This ideology, called Mercenarismo, would become a major force in Cuban politics. While this situation would continue for the next decade, threats began to emerge to the new order. Inspired by the success of leftists in the Middle East and the Southern cone, a revitalized socialist movement took hold in Cuba. Alarmed by this growing settlement, the ANS and FD began negotiations. While the initial plan was to form a long-term coalition to combat leftist sentiment, the party leaders eventually came to the conclusion that a full merger would be nesecary to cement the current order. This angered both ANS reformers and FD hardliners, who peeled off and formed their own opposition parties. However, the new party, FDAN, has been able to hold onto power, and currently forms Cuba's minority government.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
Note: This project uses a fair number of invented political ideologies and associated jargon, as well as references to other events and organizations. Due to the changes in language over time, some terms may no longer line up with their contemporary definitions. Some explanations for this box.
Post-Liberalism: The evolution of Neoliberalism. Post-Liberalism holds that the sole responsibility of the state is to facilitate the growth of a society's total utility. In the Post-Liberal worldview, the state has no obligation to individual rights or welfare, but only to society's prosperity as a whole. Post-liberals believe that state intervention to distribute social gains only diminishes social gains, thus stealing from everyone. To this end, the role of the state is to facilitate markets, as only markets can increase utility efficiently. Post-liberal governments seek to marketize all potential commodities in order to maximize utility, including natural resources like water and carbon dioxide emissions, as well as novel markets such as security, metadata and education.
Vidalism: Called the Peronism of the 21st Century by its adherents, Vidalism is the ideology of the Antardine President Ciceron Vidal. The ideology could be described as "populist transhumanist libertarian corporatism." Vidalism calls for a small, techno-libertarian government that guarantees the popular welfare through free markets and defense of individual autonomy. While Vidalism calls for legitimacy through popular sovereignty and to intervene against corporations on the side of the people, it is also stringently anti-collectivist. The government should not fall too far under popular influence, nor should the people feel too directed by their government.
--------------------------------------------------------------------
From the shining mega-cities of the African coast, to the flooded streets of Old Miami. From the packed arcologies of China, to the bleak burning fields of Venezuela. From the vigorous debate of commune meeting halls in Buenos Aires, to the hushed whispers of secret party meetings in Munich. From the singing in the historicist concert halls of Montreal, to the screams over the burning slums of Moscow. From crowds of protesters in London, New Delhi, and Oran, to lonely miners on the Moon. All of it lives, all of it breathes, and all of it will one day die. All under the same twinkling light of the stars.
Our Fathers' Stars.
However, disaster struck. Diaz-Canel was 58 when he assumed the office of the president. While he lived a healthy lifestyle and had access to excellent care, he was not invulnerable to the troubles of old age. Diaz-Canel suffered a stroke in 2029, having served as president for eleven years. While he survived, the brain damage was severe, and he was unable to speak, much less resume his duties. The president had yet to designate a clear successor. While he had set his sights on several party officials that could fill the role, he had failed to designate any as next-in-line. Chaos broke out on the island, with various factions of the party promoting their candidate. Ultimately, the military took control, forming a junta and appointing one of their own as president. The junta favored the hardliners, and began to roll back reforms. Members of both the abstentionist and loyal opposition were arrested en masse. Small businesses were seized and travel to and from the island was curtailed. However, the Cuban people were now used to their partial democracy, and began to despise the new government. An anti-government protest movement would grow through the next few years, as the paranoid new regime's actions began to contract the economy.
Unfortunately for the opposition, the military had been revitalized under MDC, who used increased funding to ensure their loyalty. It would not be easy to unseat the junta. The exiled leaders of the opposition were forced to look elsewhere for help. While the U.S. and its allies were willing to offer monetary aid and advisers, they were unwilling to offer any combat forces to perform a coup. In late 2030, as the movement began to flare and the window for revolution fast closing, the opposition was forced to make a deal with the devil. South of Cuba, the fighting in Venezuela was dying down. Many right-wing paramilitary groups had crossed over from Colombia to further the counterrevolutionary struggle, and now placed in a difficult position. The new Venezuelan coalition appreciated the paramilitaries' help, but had no intention of letting them remain in the country. On the other side of the border, the Colombian government was glad to be rid of the fighters, and refused to allow their return. The Cuban opposition offered the paramilitaries and their families a third option, a new life in Cuba. In exchange for helping to overthrow the Communist party, the paramilitaries would be dealt out government land and would receive generous pensions. While the two groups that agreed to the deal, Los Rastrojos and La Oficina de Envigado, only numbered around 12,000 men at the time, the paramilitaries were able to rally over a total of 50,000 guerrillas to seize Cuba over the next three months. Obtaining transports from the U.S., Venezuela and Colombia, the opposition struck. In the June of 2031, with Havana crowded by protesters, the Second Bay of Pigs Invasion begun. The opposition forces landed in both the Bay of Pigs and on the Playa Mayabeque, and began advancing north towards Havana. While the forces had little naval or air support, the had the advantage of a rebellious populace that welcome the invaders as liberators. Fighting between the Communists and opposition would continue for the next three months, until a ceasefire was called. Under a great deal of pressure, the Communists agreed to most of the opposition's demands. An interim government would be formed, consisting of both Communist and opposition members. A new constitution would be drafted and be affirmed by plebiscite. Finally, new elections would be held within two years, with all parties on Cuba free to campaign.
Grave issues with the interim government soon emerged. Of key note were the paramilitaries. The rewards they had been offered were contingent on opposition control of the government and treasury, a situation that had yet to materialize. The paramilitaries were not even granted citizenship, making them a landless people. With nowhere for the militants to return, some became vagrants, turning back to a life of crime. Others loitered in the haphazard camps constructed by their commanders, subsisting off meager rations given by the government. While the paramilitaries were able to be patient for a while, dreaming of their future estates, many of the mercenaries began to inflict their boredom on the Cuban populace. Unfortunately, the interim government was too timid to curtail the militants, fearing that the military would retake control if the paramilitaries ceased to be a factor. Most Cuban quickly began to resent their "liberators." While the opposition was initially high in the polls, sentiment began to reverse, and it looked like the Communists would retake power in the 2033 elections. Unwilling to let this come to pass, the opposition parties begged the Communists to delay the election until a solution could be found for the "vagrant problem." Reluctantly, the Communists agreed. However, word got around to the mercenary camps, and it set the militants on edge. Unwilling to give up their promised bounty, the paramilitary leaders began to secretly confer with military elements. A good portion of the younger officers were displeased with the situation, and were worried for their careers. The paramilitary leaders convinced many of these officers that the new democratic government would lead to their disgrace, and that only the restoration of military rule could guarantee their livelihoods. Abandoning the socialist system that they had sworn to protect, a conspiracy was formed between the former enemies.
In the July of 2034, the coupists struck. Military units stormed the capital, arresting the leaders of the interim government. Across the island, loyal military units and bases were attacked by rebels and paramilitaries. However, some leaders of the Communist party and their military staff were able to escape, and began to launch counter attacks against the plotters. However, the plotters had the advantage. The arrested leaders of the major opposition parties were forced to sign an agreement recognizing the militant and military demands. The major opposition parties, the Christian Democrats, the Liberals and the Democratic Socialists, were forced to merge their parties into a single alliance loyal to the new junta. The new Sovereign National Alliance (ANS) was pressured to recognize the militant land claims, as well as ban the Communist party. Fighting with the communists would continue and burn down over the next two years, with the junta's forces taking control of the cities and forcing the communists into the mountains. The fighting would ultimately come to a close in 2036, with the communists agreeing to a truce and the junta's terms. The Communist loyalists were to lay down their arms and recognize the new government. In exchange, the rank and file would receive full amnesty. The leadership would receive partial amnesty, and would be free to live out their sentence of 15 years either in house arrest or in exile. Most of the leadership wisely chose exile, and were ultimately accepted by Ecuador.
With the rebellion crushed, the government cowed and their land parcels seized, the junta and the paramilitaries began to relax. The junta did little to interfere with day-to-day governance, and even let elections occur without much intervention. As long as paychecks from the government kept coming, the former paramilitaries were content. While the ANS ruled as a single-party in the first termed, they were able to ratify the constitution they had agreed to with the communists, and Cuba's first free elections for over a century were held in 2040. The ANS still won a majority, but democratic rule had been restored to Cuba.
However, the government would once again hit a snag in 2045. Cuba fell into recession in 2044, and the ANS was faced with a budget crisis. To avoid risking their credit rating, cuts had to be made. With the ex-paramilitaries well settled, and collecting rents from their parcels, the government believed that "delaying" their pension checks would be an uncontroversial way to save a quick buck. Unfortunately, the mercenaries were still sensitive about the earlier affair. The ex-paramilitaries rallied, and on May 6th, 2045, most gathered to march on the capital in protest. While the planners of the protest had no intention of violence, many of the ex-militants wore their old fatigues and brought weapons to the event. Terrified by the marchers, the government sent armed police to greet them. While the protest was initially civil, things began to spiral out of control when the paramilitaries caught wind of government officials leaving the city. A fire-fight broke out between the police and the paramilitaries, a battle that left the police in a full route. Enraged and emboldened by the situation, the militants began to lash out at the city itself. The paramilitaries set fire to the capital and other government offices, a fire that became an inferno that swept through the city. The government ordered the arrest of the paramilitary leaders, which was met by a mobilization of the militias that the ex-paramilitaries had cultivated over the past decade. Fighting between the paramilitaries and the government would continue until January 2046, with negotiators reaching a peace deal. The paramilitaries would have their pensions settled in a lump-sum fashion, and would recognize the permanent independence of the government. In exchange, only a small selection of war criminals would be tried, with the rest of the paramilitary leaders having their records cleared. Unfortunately, much of the damage inflicted on the capital was unrepairable, and the government would move its seat to the neighboring city of Matazanas.
With the paramilitaries demobilized, there were still worries among them that the government would someday take revenge. Ultimately, the paramilitaries would throw their support behind a new party, Force of Democracy. Force of Democracy (FD) ran on a far-right, neo-feudalist platform, dedicated to protecting the rents and privileges of the new landholding aristocracy. This ideology, called Mercenarismo, would become a major force in Cuban politics. While this situation would continue for the next decade, threats began to emerge to the new order. Inspired by the success of leftists in the Middle East and the Southern cone, a revitalized socialist movement took hold in Cuba. Alarmed by this growing settlement, the ANS and FD began negotiations. While the initial plan was to form a long-term coalition to combat leftist sentiment, the party leaders eventually came to the conclusion that a full merger would be nesecary to cement the current order. This angered both ANS reformers and FD hardliners, who peeled off and formed their own opposition parties. However, the new party, FDAN, has been able to hold onto power, and currently forms Cuba's minority government.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
Note: This project uses a fair number of invented political ideologies and associated jargon, as well as references to other events and organizations. Due to the changes in language over time, some terms may no longer line up with their contemporary definitions. Some explanations for this box.
Post-Liberalism: The evolution of Neoliberalism. Post-Liberalism holds that the sole responsibility of the state is to facilitate the growth of a society's total utility. In the Post-Liberal worldview, the state has no obligation to individual rights or welfare, but only to society's prosperity as a whole. Post-liberals believe that state intervention to distribute social gains only diminishes social gains, thus stealing from everyone. To this end, the role of the state is to facilitate markets, as only markets can increase utility efficiently. Post-liberal governments seek to marketize all potential commodities in order to maximize utility, including natural resources like water and carbon dioxide emissions, as well as novel markets such as security, metadata and education.
Vidalism: Called the Peronism of the 21st Century by its adherents, Vidalism is the ideology of the Antardine President Ciceron Vidal. The ideology could be described as "populist transhumanist libertarian corporatism." Vidalism calls for a small, techno-libertarian government that guarantees the popular welfare through free markets and defense of individual autonomy. While Vidalism calls for legitimacy through popular sovereignty and to intervene against corporations on the side of the people, it is also stringently anti-collectivist. The government should not fall too far under popular influence, nor should the people feel too directed by their government.
--------------------------------------------------------------------
From the shining mega-cities of the African coast, to the flooded streets of Old Miami. From the packed arcologies of China, to the bleak burning fields of Venezuela. From the vigorous debate of commune meeting halls in Buenos Aires, to the hushed whispers of secret party meetings in Munich. From the singing in the historicist concert halls of Montreal, to the screams over the burning slums of Moscow. From crowds of protesters in London, New Delhi, and Oran, to lonely miners on the Moon. All of it lives, all of it breathes, and all of it will one day die. All under the same twinkling light of the stars.
Our Fathers' Stars.
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Comments3
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God, poor Cuba... I had some hope for them, given the hints at a multiparty democracy, but it turns out they're held hostages by a bunch of criminal scum of the worst kind.
Also... how can damage against a city be irreversible?
Also... how can damage against a city be irreversible?